Martin Brian Mulroney Essays - Brian Mulroney,

Martin Brian Mulroney Martin Brian Mulroney became the 18th prime minister of Canada on September 17, 1984, after his party, the Progressive Conservatives won the greatest parliamentary victory ever in Canadian history. Mulroney was born in 1939, the son of an electrician, in the paper mill town of Baie Comeau, Quebec. Mulroney attended a very strict military type all boys' school until the age of 16 when he entered Saint Francis Xavier University in Antigonish, Nova Scotia. There he earned an honor degree in political science. While at St. FX he was active in on campus politics. During his first year he became a member of the youth wing of the P.C. Party of Nova Scotia. Before he graduated he was to become the Prime Minister of St. FX's famous mock Parliament, a position that had been held for years by Liberal students. After graduation he studied law at Dalhousie in Halifax and later at Laval University in Quebec, from which he graduated in 1962. It was during these years in Quebec that Mulroney became known as the life of the party. He frequented most Montreal nightclubs and was quite a lady's man. Mulroney also became a slightly more than social drinker. After becoming a lawyer in 1965 he joined a prestigious law firm known as Cate Ogilvy, later becoming a partner in that firm. In May 1973 at the age of 34 he married a beautiful 20 year old Mila Pivnicki, daughter of Yugoslav immigrants. The Mulroneys would go on to have three children. Mulroney worked energetically for the Progressive Conservative Party as a young lawyer, serving on the party's finance and policy committees and on its 1968 and 1972 campaign committees. He first came into the public eye in 1974 as a member of the Cliche Royal Commission, which investigated corruption and violence in the Quebec construction industry. Also involved in this commission was Mulroney's friend and future Quebec premier Lucien Bouchard. Although Mulroney had not yet held public office, he ran for election as Conservative leader at the party's 1976 national convention. He waged a vigorous and expensive campaign but lost to Joe Clark after being critisized as the Cadillac Cantidate for spending so much money. Following this failure, Mulroney became very depressed and bitter. This was a very bleak time in his life. His drinking and his tongue often got him in trouble. During this period he would often attend social events, get very drunk, and make an ass of himself. He took the Leadership loss very personally and it almost ruined him. A few years after taking the job of President of the Iron Ore Company of Canada in 1977 he decided that he would clean himself up. He went to special Alcoholics Anonomous meetings for famous people who didn't want the world to know they had a problem. After this time in his life he almost never had a drink and never repeated his drunken outbursts at any social functions. During his years as a corporate executive, Mulroney remained active in politics, taking every occasion to increase his visibility among the public and to gain support from within the party for his upcoming leadership bid. In 1982, because of an economic depression, the Iron Ore Company of Canada was forced to close one of its mining and milling towns in Quebec. At first this appeared to be a disastrous political setback for Mulroney. However, he turned it into a public relations triumph by making the people of the town in question believe that there were other alternatives when there were none and by negotiating generous settlements for the workers who had lost their jobs. This earned him respect and won him general support and his reputation as an expert labor lawyer and industrial relations specialist was enhanced. After the election most of his promises were shown to be false hopes but by that time the people had already decided. In mid-1983 Clark's leadership of the Progressive Conservative Party was being questioned, forcing him to call a national party convention and leadership review. Brian Mulroney was again a candidate, and he campaigned more shrewdly than he had done seven years before. He actually had been paying people to ruin Clarks chances

Reagan essays

Reagan essays Ronald Reagan: Its Time for a Change When the 1980 presidential election rolled around Americans were looking for a new leader and someone that could get the United States out of its slump. The previous Presidents did nothing but make Americans lose confidence in the position. Jimmy Carter didnt act as strong as a world leader should act. Gerald Ford wasnt a bad president but he didnt do much while he was in office. Nixon and Johnson were plagued by the conflict of the Vietnam War and the turbulent society in the United States. Americans needed an appealing President, someone who would lift their hopes; Ronald Reagan was that man. At the time the United States faced high inflation, high unemployment and high taxes. Reagan was determined to turn this around and return the United States to its past glory. Reagan planned to reduce the role of government and increase individual rights. He also wanted to reduce taxes and the American public was all for this. Finally, Reagan wanted to restore the pride, power and tradition the United States once had but was now lost. These plans, promises and other factors made Ronald Reagan a very appealing politician the United States. Ronald Reagan had a slightly different background then the men that came before him. Ronald Reagan won initial fame in Hollywood where he worked in films and was president of the Screen Actor Guild (Boller 259). He also appeared on television and in commercials. This experience in the media helped Reagan a lot as a President. He was able to speak clear and make people listen to his plans for the country. He wasnt afraid to tell the people what needed to be done in the country and these plans appealed to the public. Reagan was an experienced politician and had already worked in government. He spoke out publicly in the sixties for the Republicans and there conservative views. This is where he took the side that government ...

Case Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words - 43

Case Study Example The current trends in the dog food category show that continued expansion of the industry is anticipated in the future, There are various ways in which dog food category can be segmented. For instance, it can be segmented into low price segment, mainstream segment, and the premium segment. The low price segment feature brands such private label, the mainstream segment feature brands such as Pedigree and Alpo while the premium feature brands such as Purina One and Iams. Of the three segments, the premium segment is believed to be of the highest quality followed by the mainstream segment and finally the low price segment. The price charged on a brand is largely dependent on the segment in which it belongs. Dog food brands from the premium segment are the most expensive among the three segments. Brand marketing has proven to be among the best business tactics in the dog food industry.  In  essence.  Brand marketing gives a company competitive advantage over the competitors. The influencers of brand purchasing of dog food are the dog owners. Some dog owners favor certain dog food brands and, therefore, they cannot buy other brands. In addition, the purchasing power of the dog owners influences brand purchasing decisions. In essence, sometimes dog owners are obliged to purchase a particular brand by their financial status. However, the trend is changing since with time the dogs eating habit have proven to influence brand purchasing decision. Some people enjoy watching their dogs eat. In this regard, they would by a brand that the dog favors. In other words, dog owners  would buy the brand the dog enjoys to eat. Some dog owners have attested that their dogs only eat certain food brand. A recent study has shown that the levels of brand loyalty have grown high due to various factors. For instance, research has shown that quality affects consumers’ loyalty to a particular brand. Brand designing and

Ulrich Zwingli - A Religious Reformer Research Paper

Ulrich Zwingli - A Religious Reformer - Research Paper Example Nor was it by the ancient Church of the Swiss, until convents turned missionaries into monks, and monks turned the gospel into fables, and these fables led the people to believe that the pope was the Vicar of Christ, and that Mary should be adored as the Virgin and as the guardian of the Church (REV. WM. M. BLACKBURN 1868, 12-20) It is by this lie, that Ulrich Zwingli stretched his dowel in the direction of reformation of the church. The flagrant corruption, and â€Å"the lie of celibacy† were a constant thorn in the belief that Ulrich held in his conviction to the true cause of Christ; But not without the controversy of expulsion and severing of the ties with Rome. In this period, and in the periods that had passed, there had been Turmoil in the church, of the celebrations and the Book of Christ. Many reformers of the time questioned the role of these celebrations and the controversy of them not being found in the Bible. The statement he makes in his works clearly indicates his feelings towards the papal conclave;That Christ is the only eternal high priest, wherefrom it follows that those who have called themselves high priests have opposed the honor and power of Christ, yea, cast it out. (Meyer 1912, 2007 , 2007) By no means did he shy away from controversy, but in his belief in ‘truth’ and his understanding of humanity, did he engage in writings of change, and politics, and distributed them commonly even in Rome, where his works were proscribed, the prelates still treasured his books, devoid of true acquaintance that he indeed authored those works they so loved. 1.1 WHO WAS HE? ‘God has granted me,’ said he, ‘f rom my boyhood to devote myself to the acquirement of knowledge, both human and divine. ... I acknowledge myself to be a great sinner before God, though I have not lived an immoral life, and on no occasion has discipline been exercised upon me.’ (REV. WM. M. BLACKBURN 1868) Born in the Year 1484, in January at Wildhaus, Switzerland, Ulrich was named after his ‘Ammann’1 Father, Ulrich the senior. His Uncle Bartholomew Zwingli also the Dean of Wesen, came and baptized him. Ulrich was born in a family of eight sons and one daughter. Ulrich was the third. As a young boy, living in the mountains, and had the chance to feel the presence of God in his surroundings. He would watch the animals and the people, and listen to tales from his grandmother, until at nine, from a suggestion by his Uncles, his father took him to Wesen, and laid him in the hands of his Uncle Bartholomew with the words; â€Å"You have put lofty ideas into Ulrich s head, and now I have brought him, so that you may try What he can do† (REV. WM. M. BLACKBURN 1868) In the spirit of the school of the times in Wesen, Bartholomew Zwingli, seeing that the education at the common schools was not good enough, contacted his friend the master of St. Theodore George Binzli, at Basle. Here, Ulrich grew faster in knowledge that he made new enemies in the older boys, at the age of thirteen, he was sent to Berne, where later after there was a trial by the monks of Dominica to convert the young bright mind, he was sent to Vienna In Austria, where he met two new friends that would help him grow in leaps and bounds. In such dedication, Ulrich Grew a devoted catholic, raised in the values and commissions of the church, and it can be said that he never really faced the world of corruption and sin in such a way that salvation would to him make a big impact than another reformer, born only a few weeks earlier, Mr. Martin Luther of the Lutheran reformation. There is no saying, that in his †Å"safety† at Basel, Bern and Vienna, from where upon receiving his qualification in Arts, he joined the service of the Roman Catholic Church, Ulrich was far protected from facing the temptations of this world in so much that his tilt towards the ‘females’ was strong enough when he faced the sleaze. This was one of the conflict points that Ulrich had with the

The main premises and limitations of functionalism

The main premises and limitations of functionalism The theory I have chosen is functionalism, whose basis is the systemic nature of culture, or what might be most appropriately designated as a glue concept of culture. I am however, deeply aware that no theory explains everything and every theory has its limitations, reason why the grand theories all failed: calling for complementarity in the theoretical frameworks and methodological assumptions that informs our research. This fact explains the continuous growth of theory in anthropology from evolutionism with its unilineality to poststructuralist theories today. In what follows, I will explain and illustrate the main premises of functionalism, and highlight the limitations of the functionalist framework. Functionalism was one of the earliest anthropological theories. Its main theoretical postulate is an analogy of the human organism as a microcosm of society: parts as making up the whole, different individuals playing different roles and having different statuses, although one individual can have different statuses simultaneously. According to this metaphor, the various parts of the human body like the traits and institutions of a culture are interrelated and work together to ensure its proper functioning (see Barth, 1979:20-22). Following one of functionalisms precursors, Polish-born British anthropologist Malinowski, who is associated with bio-cultural/psychological functionalism, cultural institutions are meant to meet human instrumental needs: economics, social control, education, political organization among others. On the other hand, Radcliffe-Brown who developed the idea of social structure presents human society as based on networks of social relationship and that institution s maintain society as a system. The difference between Malinowski and Radcliffe-Brown is that unlike the former who emphasizes the individual, the latter sees the individual as irrelevant'(Goldschmidt,1996:510) As a critique against evolutionism, diffusionism and historicism, functionalism wanted a shift away from speculative history and cultural survivals to ahistorical synchronic study of social institutions within bounded, functioning societies(Young,1991:445). The core idea of the functionalists was to look for the reality of events in their present day manifestations. This does not imply a wholesome rejection of history per se but rather, a rejection of what Harris (1968:524) calls pseudo-history. Methodologically speaking, the functionalists viewed society in systematic terms, parts as being dependent on one another so as to maintain social equilibrium, but they recognized the prospects for internal social conflicts and disequilibrium. The second methodological premise is that of intensive fieldwork through the traditional method of participant observation. It implies in this case, the search for functional relationships among customs and institutions as a useful mechanism of abstracting data. And thirdly, analysis was to be based on short time scale. As recent advances in anthropological and sociological theory suggests, culture is contestation and we need to write against the whole concept of culture so as to embrace the very dynamism of anthropological fieldwork due to the mobility of subjects owing to globalization. Gupta and Ferguson (1997:4) have rightly called for anthropology to embrace changing trends in contemporary world marked by people, objects and ideas rapidly shifting. These shifts; they argue have changed the notion of the field as a fixed territorial space and of people as immobile and dealt a serious blow to the traditional notion of community as bounded. This is quite evident when considering new tribes like refugees, migrants, displaced and nomadic communities. They note that culture is not bounded and therefore does not occupy designated spaces. They further note that such conception do not account for people inhabiting borderlands nor do they factor in cultural differences of people occupying the same geogra phical space. They further assert that post-coloniality and globalization have heralded the idea of hybrid cultures in which concepts like identity and solidarity are no longer based on proximity to marked spaces and contact zones and thus making the case for a radical re-thinking of anthropological models of analysis (Ibid). Following Appadurai, (1991; 191,196), the contemporary world structured by the overarching effects of globalization has become quite de-territorialized in ways that have altered the conception of locality and space. In the same light, Fox and Gingrich note that of late, the notion of whole cultures or integrated societies has been questioned and new ideas about globalization, cultural flows, fragmentation and fluid signs have been touted as definitive blows to anthropologys traditional objects of study: local communities of some order (2002:27). Clifford also observed that ethnographic studies seeking to disassociate themselves from totalizing anthropology use multiple allegories (1986:103). Against this backdrop, there has been a shift from single to multiple case studies: study individuals both in the village and in the urban milieu to which they have migrated, from single to multiple case studies, calling for the need to always extend out beyond the locale of natives and capture the voices of those away from home since migration may presuppose a change or modification of values and lifestyle. Multiple case study designs have been variously justified: Ethnographic data from multiple-case studies is often considered more persuasive and thus making the overall study more robust (Yin, 1994:141). A multiple case study exposes regularities through the simultaneous inspection of numerous cases (Eckstein, 2000:137). All other things being equal, a finding emerging repeatedly in the study of numerous sites (a multi-site study) would seem to be more likely to be a good working hypothesis about some yet unstudied site than a finding emerging from just one or two sites (Schofield, 2000:79). Such a study is capable of going beneath the political binaries (Burawoy,1998:6) of researcher and subject, local, national and international contexts so as to uncover multiple processes, interests and identities since the postcolonial context provides fertile ground for re-condensing these proliferating differences around local, national, and global links in view of the fact that various actors and stakeholders are multiply drawn into alliances at all levels (Buroway,1998:11). Like any other theoretical perspective, functionalism has received its own share of criticisms. Among these is the fact that the presence of an institution cannot precede its existence usefully suggesting that functionalist explanations carry a hardened notion of culture which is obviously not the case because historical processes are always at work. It is further assumed not to be concerned with social processes and to negate cross-cultural comparison because it sees every institution insitu. As one of the earliest anthropological theories, its forerunners suffered from lack of historical data in so-called primitive societies which might have greatly inhibited the quality of the data they obtained and therefore the type of analysis and theory they eventually came to construct. Secondly, proto-anthropology was begun by non-professionals: missionaries, travelers, and colonial administrators who wrote mostly to exoticize the communities they had come in contact with and to entertain people. First hour anthropologists were therefore partly preoccupied with making sense of these societies from the standpoint of the natives through participant observation. They were further preoccupied with particular questions, particular institutions, how societies that were presumed to have no histories and other institutions were capable of meeting particular cultural needs. Generally, they adopted an encyclopedic tradition, trying unlike today to study and grasp the functional relevance an d interrelationships of every institution to the other within a given culture. E.E. Evans-Pritchards (1940) classic study of the Nuer for instance, shows how an understanding of social structure is important to grasping the overall functioning of Nuer acephalous society. He does this using his concepts of fussion and fission, segmentation and combination with segments of the same order. By so doing, he demonstrates that in politics there are no permanent enemies. Malinowskis study of the Trobriand Islanders of New Guinea and the ceremonial annual kula Ring exchange shows its association with magic, religion, kinship and trade. In the same light, in Argonautes of the Western Pacific (1922), he paints a total picture of the peoples life through participant observation detailing among others, their technology, sexual life, everyday life and conflict resolution. One way of going beyond the limitations of these studies would have been to see these societies in historical context, as dynamic over time since the overall vision of the functionalist was not to negate history but rather, only to explain the present. Such a view will reconceptualize culture, not as based on consensus but rather as renegotiated by stakeholders in the light of changing circumstances. They dealt with circumscribed field sites and therefore did not go beyond local or how extra-local forces affected individuals in the societies that they studied. It is true from the history of sociological theory that every theoretical perspective has its shortcomings, calling for the need for complementarity. This is even more accentuated because social phenomena are multifaceted- different causal factors might explain the existence of a particular phenomenon. For instance, the classic example of Durkheims suicide based on observation may not be tenable today because of changes in soci al structures. Theories are rooted in particular historical epochs. Time changes and certain explanations become untenable, calling for more research and the need to reformulate old theories or discard them totally. This further demonstrates the spatio-temporal relativity of truth. There are of course, no universal truths despite the existence of cultural universals. Functionalist theories emerged as a response to the crisis of social order, seemingly the outcome of two developments. The first was industrial society with its loss of community, poor working conditions and increase in crime. The second was the French revolution with its ideals of equality, happiness and freedom of the individual. These two events were influential in the development of the consensus theory, although this theory fails to address conflict. Often times, some studies are replicated using different theoretical assumptions over time demonstrating that no theory is capable of explaining every aspect of human society. This explains why some anthropologists return to their field sites several years later so as to map the various changes that have taken place after their fieldwork. The dilemma with grand theories such as functionalism is their claim of attempting to explain every known phenomenon in the universe. The Durkheimian theory on suicide for example, seems to present a unilineal view of culture- some social groups and people with a protestant religious ethos are more prone to commit suicide than others. But even within a group, the groups values are constantly being contested and each group in reality might have multiple identities. Culture is actually a constant field of contest, negotiation and constant renegotiation. In summary, functionalism was geared towards investigating particular phenomenon using particular theoretical assumptions and methodological approaches. The authors were preoccupied with particular questions which largely determined their theoretical assumptions and above all, these theories were imbricated in particular historical moments and with changing times, some of their assumptions have been shown to be faulty.

Government and Politics - The Benefits of Federalism :: Exploratory Essays Research Papers

Government and Politics - The Benefits of Federalism In the early days of the United States, it was obvious to many that a system combining both federalism and representative democracy was needed. According to the textbook, â€Å"the people were too widely dispersed, and the country’s transportation and communication systems too primitive to be governed [solely] from a central location† (pg. 58). Although today both communication and transportation are highly advanced, America still maintains a federal system. The driving force behind that system is our increasingly expanding diversity. The United States ranks fourth in the world in size (www.stats.demon.nl/chart.area25.htm) and third in population (www.census.gov/ipc/www/idbrank.html). There are 213 languages spoken in America (www.sil.org/ethnologue/countries/USA.html) and probably just as many religions practiced. Federalism is the method by which this diverse population is better represented in the democracy of the United States. The national government makes many important decisions that impact our daily lives; however, there are some issues on which the opinion of the American public varies widely. In our federal system, the states are usually responsible for making policies that involve social, family, and moral/religious issues. This is one of the most important advantages of a federal system. The decentralization of the government allows the desires and needs of smaller groups of people to be acknowledged and fulfilled at the local level. Californians differ in many ways from residents of Arkansas who differ greatly from Alaskans. Variations in culture and lifestyle create needs for different political policies. A large, single, centralized government would be unable to make efficient social policies that were compatible with the convictions of a majority of America’s diverse groups. However, the national government still has enough power, through a system of checks and balances , to obliterate local policies that infringe upon the human rights of smaller factions. Federalism is not, of course, without disadvantages. To begin with, more levels of government equal a larger bureaucracy with many more people involved in the decision-making process. This provides more opportunities for corrupt government officials. Federalism also means that a complex tax system must exist so that each level of government receives funds from those in its jurisdiction in order to carry out laws and policies.

Cellphones Should Not Be Allowed in School Essay

Although may not everybody would agree I believe cellphones should not be allowed in schools. First of all, cellphones can be a distraction to students. Secondly, students can use the cellphones to cheat on a test, quiz, or classwork. Lastly, it can be stolen. To start off, cellphones should not be allowed in school because they can interrupt the class and teacher. For example, if a professor is teaching a class a new lesson and suddenly a cellphones starts to ring, the teacher will have to stop the class and talk to the pupil. After that, they would have to remember their â€Å"train of thought†. Additionally, cellphones can interrupt the class when an exam or quiz is in session. In a recent article done by the New York Times, it was stated that 75% of an eighth grade class failed their state exam because of a cellphone interruption. In other words, the cellphone was â€Å"yelling† really loud, the students were not concentrating and it was difficult to turn off. Furthermore, cellular phones should be allowed in school because it can be a cheating tool. For instance, if a scholar took an exam before their friend and their buddy did not study, that person taking the test can take a picture of the questions to show to their companion. Usually, the student(s) are not caught but when they get caught the superintendent, who runs all the public, charter, private or boarding schools in a city, hears about it and the school can have a terrible reputation. Also, when a minor cheats on a huge test (state test, mid-terms, final-terms, etc.) they can especially get in trouble. Equally important, cellphones should not be allowed in schools because it can be stolen. Read more:  Should Cellphones Be Banned in Schools Essay Many youngsters bring their high-tech cellphones to school, to show it off. However, when their cellphone gets stolen, the child and their parents are furious and that means money coming out of pockets to buy a new phone. Statistics have shown that 80% of the time, the lost or stolen cellphone is not found. Therefore, I consider parents keep their children’s cellphone at home and cellphones should not be allowed in schools. My opponents may say that, cellphones can be used for emergencies. I disagree! During emergencies, the school have telephones available for staff and students and if the minor can’t use the telephones they can ask an adult to call for them. Moreover, my adversaries might say that cellphones can be used as tools when needed. In my opinion, this statement is wrong because school is a place of learning. As a result, it has all the materials youngsters need to learn like, calculators, notepads, and maps, so that scholars can use the resources they have at school and not from the piece of technology in their pocket. In summation, cellular phones should not be allowed in school because it can be a distraction, a cheating resource and it can be stolen or lost. When in school, children should pay attention to their education than the daily gossip spread on the internet.